On July 2, 2026, Democratic staff on the House Natural Resources Committee published a report alleging that the President’s fundraisers redirected donations meant for America250, the congressionally chartered anniversary foundation, into Freedom 250, an entity the White House controls, by giving donors Freedom 250’s routing and account numbers.
Wire fraud is a federal crime, and only federal prosecutors can charge it. The President whose fundraising operation the report’s authors describe appoints those prosecutors. The report supplies the evidence, and the evidence needs a prosecutor the President cannot control and criminal prosecutions that cannot be pardoned by Trump.
So myself and the Existentialist Republic team drafted three citizen referral letters, the kind of letter any member of the public can send to a prosecutor asking the office to request they open an investigation. Each letter states the law the conduct violates, the publicly available facts that connect the conduct to that office, the office’s own record in similar cases, and the first documents to demand.
The District of Columbia letter is first because the entity is registered there. Most crimes in the District are prosecuted by a federal appointee the President selects, but charity fraud is an exception: the elected DC Attorney General prosecutes charitable solicitation violations himself. His office already recovered $750,000 from the Trump inaugural committee.
The New York letter goes with it, because Freedom 250’s fundraising reached New York and the office that obtained the Trump Foundation’s dissolution runs the state’s Charities Bureau. New York adds a reason to act first. The state has its own double jeopardy law: once a federal prosecution for the same acts finishes, New York loses the power to bring its own case, with narrow exceptions. The courts dismissed the Manafort prosecution under that law in 2019 because the Manhattan District Attorney waited for the federal case to finish, and a protective federal plea, a narrow case the Department of Justice could file and settle fast, would end a Freedom 250 case the same way.
Delaware chartered the LLC, and Delaware law lets its Attorney General ask the Court of Chancery, Delaware’s business court, to cancel the charter, the document that gives the company its legal existence, and to appoint a receiver, a neutral officer the court places in control of the company and its records. A receiver in control of the records can produce the donor lists that every other office needs and that Freedom 250 keeps secret.
The three letters are dated July 3, 2026. No law requires me to notify federal prosecutors or to ask their permission. The Virginia letter comes next, once a subpoena identifies the bank that received the misdirected wires, because Virginia law lets a fraud case be tried in any county where any part of the scheme happened, and receiving the money qualifies.
Four more states can open their own investigations the moment a resident or company inside the state is identified among the deceived donors: California, Washington, Illinois, and Minnesota. The donor lists demanded in the first three letters are the documents that would identify those donors. A deceived donor can also act directly: a person or company that wired money to Freedom 250 while intending America250 can contact their state attorney general, and that one contact gives the state its case.
Every other finding in the report can be enforced only by federal agencies the President controls: the money Congress appropriated and the White House diverted, the contracts steered to the President’s operatives, the donations corporations left off their lobbying disclosures, and the fundraising from foreign companies. The President appoints none of the three officers above.
The letters state the limits: the report is a staff draft the full committee has not voted on, the central allegation comes from witnesses who spoke to committee staff confidentially, the report’s authors name no donor and state no amount, and Freedom 250 calls the report “a partisan smear.” Each letter asks for one thing, an investigation that uses subpoenas, the court-backed orders that compel documents and testimony, to test what the witnesses said.
The checkpoints are public. Whether Freedom 250 registered to solicit donations in the District is a record anyone can request. A District prosecution would appear in the Superior Court’s public filings, and a New York subpoena fight would appear in the state court’s public records. A Delaware petition to cancel the charter would appear in the Court of Chancery’s records. A referral requires no law license and no court filing, and any reader can send their own, as can any organization. If you are a member of any organizations with an interest in fighting corruption, this is a fantastic way to influence the system towards justice.
To see the content of the three letters to the AGs which are a matter of public record, please go to Christopher Armitage of the Existentialist Republic on Substack. And check out his other fantastic articles which are activist-legally based and reveal congress, to white Democrats in the House and Senate can be doing something to stop this administration, but their feet are slow to the task.
